OUR FOREFATHERS’
COVENANTS
Part 18
April 10, 2020
Last week, I started
sharing a statement from David Barton concerning some notes that James Madison
wrote concerning the Federal Convention of 1787. I realized later that I cut off what he was
saying, so let’s go back today and get the first part, and then finish with
James Madison’s full statement concerning that
convention.
"Although authorized by the Congress of the Confederation,
the Constitutional Convention of 1787 was nevertheless cloaked with secrecy and
confidentiality. The official papers of the Convention sat in the
Department of State, untouched, until 1818. Yet in retrospect, the
gathering reveals both the men and the issues they faced during the founding
era. Through analysis of both the Philadelphia debates and the various
ratification conventions, we realize the concerns and needs of a developing
nation.
Men of means and education pursued a limited, federal government
capable of providing political and economic stability in a land of diverse
sectional interests. The fight for freedom had been experiential; much of
the struggle for structure and unity would be theoretical. The doctrines
of scholars would meet with the practical necessities of an emerging nation,
resulting in a balanced blend of pragmatism and principle—the Constitution of
the United States of America.
However, one of the most controversial issues, State's
representation, could have nullified the entire process. Tempers flared
and interests clashed as the delegates sought their respective goals. It
was within this quagmire of divisiveness that the elder statesman, Benjamin
Franklin, offered his famous appeal for harmony and conciliation—an appeal for
God's intervention.
His solicitation seems almost out of character with our current
understanding of the man. Wasn't he a deist, believing in the clockmaker
God who stepped back to watch the hands of time move toward eternity?
Could God govern in the affairs of men, or nations, from such a distance?
Perhaps Franklin's appeal for prayer was out of despair and desperation;
perhaps he was senile as some suggest; or perhaps we have misunderstood
Franklin's deism, misreading the man in the coonskin cap............
..........As one reads these various sources, however, the response
to Franklin's motion should not be viewed as an atheistic or deistic expression
from the delegates. In their view, prayer was an official ceremony
requiring ordained clergy to "officiate," (as Dr. Franklin noted) and
the funds to pay them (as Mr. Williamson observed). It was not as simple
as asking "Brother George" to ask God's blessings on their
deliberations. This was not the general approach to religion during this
time in history; orthodox formality was the preferable style and manner, at
least in official settings. For example, when Rev. Duche offered the
first prayer in the Continental Congress, he appeared "with his clerk and
in his pontificals, and read several prayers in the established form. . . .
" Granted, he also unexpectedly "struck out into an extemporary
prayer," but the point is made: religious formality was the order of the
day.
Those orders were followed a few days later at the Reformed
Calvinist Lutheran Church. In response to Franklin's appeal, Virginia's
Mr. Randolph offered a counter proposal. He recommended that a
"sermon be preached at the request of the convention on the 4th of July,
the anniversary of Independence,— & thence forward prayers be used in ye
Convention every morning." One report has Washington leading most of
the Convention delegates to the church, where James Campbell preached a sermon
trusting in the wisdom of the delegates to establish a "free and vigorous
government."
As it
turns out, after the Convention, and nine days after the first Constitutional
Congress convened with a quorum (April 9, 1789), they implemented Franklin's
recommendation. Two chaplains of different denominations were appointed,
one to the House and one to the Senate, with a salary of $500 each. This
practice continues today, posing no threat to the First Amendment. How
could it? The men who authorized the chaplains wrote the Amendment.
The real
strength of Franklin's motion, from the conservative viewpoint, is as an
example of his supposed "deism," which is a far cry from what some would
make it out to be. Franklin obviously felt that God governed in the
affairs of men—not exactly the general understanding of today's deism.
But many people attempt to anachronously impose today's definition upon
Franklin, Jefferson, and others, implying they had nothing whatsoever to do
with religion. This is usually done to support a broad, separationist
approach to religion and government, which is inconsistent with the words and
deeds of those who created America's political system.
Franklin,
as well as all of the Framers of the Constitution, realized the value of
religion in society. And they realized the value of prayer in the
weightier matters of politics. As it turns out, Dr. Franklin was not
senile at all; he was simply asking for divine assistance in what proved to be
the formation of our American system. Perhaps there were no
"official" prayers during the Convention, but denying that the
delegates wanted God's blessing and direction—now that would be senility.
Was that
simply a political expression, or an attempt to curry favor with his outspoken
Christian compatriots? Was it a "deistic" expression? I
hardly think so. You hear the ring of conviction in Benjamin Franklin's
plea; and it is a notable shift from those things we read from Franklin's
writings in his earlier years. My personal sense is that as he sat there
in that Federal Convention, the words he had heard George Whitefield preach
years before rang in his ears. There was indeed a realization on his part
that except the Lord order the establishment of America as a nation, this
country would soon fold under the weight of the anarchy of Godlessness.
In a land
primarily being colonized and established by those who were generally referred
to as "Protestants," Roman Catholics were a distinct minority.
Fact is, when I was young, no Roman Catholic had ever been President of the
United States, and although there was certainly no legal bar to Catholics
becoming President, there was a common thread of thought among political
circles that Catholics could never be elected to that high office.
I was
doing an essay for an English Comp class in my University of Nebraska courses
on politics and repeated that thread. When I got my essay back from the
instructor, she had written a note on the side saying, "Don't look now,
but there's a distinct possibility that we could get a Roman Catholic as our
next President."
She was
right, of course. John F. Kennedy was elected, beating out
(then)-Vice-President, Richard Nixon. It was almost an earthquake for the
American political scene. Yet JFK was scarcely the first Roman Catholic
to hold high office in this nation, and in fact, he simply followed a cycle to
its obvious fulfillment.
Charles
Carroll was one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. What
made him significant among our nation's founding fathers was that he was the
only Roman Catholic to sign any of our founding documents.
Born into
a very wealthy family in Annapolis, Maryland, September 18, 1737, Carroll began
a rather remarkable formal education at the age of eight when he was sent off
to a Jesuit college at St. Omer in France. He graduated the College of
Louis the Grande at age 17, but continued his formal and practical studies for
another eleven years in Europe. Returning to America that year, he found
himself in the midst of the radical climate produced by the Stamp Act.
His highly
refined ways and manners made him out a gentleman who could easily have been an
emissary of the royal courts; and yet, he immediately identified with the
radical causes and became an active participant among the circles of American
patriots. His writing skills had been honed during 20 years of formal
education, and he immediately put those skills to work. In 1772, he
anonymously engaged the colonial secretary of Maryland in a series of debates
and newspaper articles protesting the right of the British government to tax
the colonies without adequate representation.
Despite
the fact that his views were not shared by many of his fellow-Maryland
colonists, Charles Carroll (he always signed his name, Charles Carroll of
Carrollton)
was an early advocate for armed resistance. When the first Continental
Congress convened, Maryland refused to send a delegate so Carroll worked his
way through several committees until he was asked to join a diplomatic mission
to Canada with Benjamin Franklin and Samuel Chase. His successes and
accomplishments encouraged the Maryland Convention to join in support for the
American Revolution.
Although
he never had the opportunity to engage in the actual debate surrounding the
Declaration of Independence, Charles Carroll was elected by the Maryland
Convention to represent them on the 4th of July, 1776; and he was present to
sign the Declaration.
Through
much of the War of Independence, he served in the Continental Congress and
simultaneously participated in the framing of a constitution for
Maryland. He was elected to the Maryland Senate in 1781, and then to the
first Federal Congress in 1788 where he served until 1790. He returned to
the Maryland Senate where he served until 1800 when he retired from active
participation in government.
It was in
that same year, on November 4, 1800, that Charles Carroll of Carrollton wrote
to another of the founding fathers, James McHenry, and said in part,
"Without morals a republic cannot subsist any length of time;
they therefore who are decrying the Christian religion, whose morality is so
sublime & pure, [and] which denounces against the wicked eternal misery,
and [which] insured to the good eternal happiness, are undermining the solid
foundation of morals, the best security for the duration of free
governments."
He could
easily have been writing to today's ACLU -- an organization which has gone out
of its way to "decry the Christian religion" and "undermine the
solid foundations of morals, the best security for the duration of free
governments" under the premise that government has no right to enact
morals and Biblical standards for behavior.
Let's talk today about some more of those founding fathers who signed
the Declaration of Independence as well as our U.S. Constitution.
Quick. How many of you know the name Fisher Ames?
Better yet, how many of you have ever heard the name in connection with
the making of the Constitution of the United States?
Let me take this one more step. How many of you know that he was
the author of the First Amendment which was written to guarantee our liberties
as Christians, and as worshipers of the Lord God?
Yup. That's what I thought. Bet you not one in a thousand
people know who he was.
Fisher Ames is not a name one usually remembers in association with the
founding fathers. Yet he was among the most influential and persuasive of
our founders, surpassing Thomas Jefferson in arguments, while demonstrating
that America MUST NOT become a Jeffersonian Democracy.
Like Roger Sherman, his commitment to Jesus Christ permeated everything
he said and did. His relationship with the Lord gave him a wisdom that
few of our founders could match.
Fisher Ames was born in Dedham, Massachusetts, the son of a physician --
Nathaniel Ames -- on April 9, 1758, and lived a mere 50 years, dying on the 4th
of July in 1808. A genius in the rank of Jonathan Edwards and an orator
in the mold of Patrick Henry, he graduated from Harvard at age 16, and began to
purse the study of law and government.
By 1781, at age 23, Fisher Ames opened up a law office in Dedham where
he thought to defend people against unjust government laws and practices.
It didn't take him long to realize that the practice of law -- at least in the
private sector -- was really not his cup of tea. He soon abandoned his
law offices for the pursuit of politics, and soon became a prominent member of
the Massachusetts legislature.
His oratory and writing skills thrust him to the forefront as the
Massachusetts Convention convened. He argued strongly and successfully
for "constitutional federalism" becoming one of the signers who
ratified the Federal Constitution for Massachusetts. It seems odd, but he
was a prominent Federalist member of the House of Representatives during the
eight years of George Washington's administration. I'll explain
momentarily.
April 28, 1796. The day stands out not only in our nation's
history, but as a day when historians wrote that (in their opinion) Fisher Ames
delivered easily the greatest speech of his life. It seems that
republicans (not a political party, but those who wanted a constitutional
republic rather than a Federalist Democracy) were bickering among themselves
and withholding the financial appropriation necessary for the execution of the
Jay Treaty.
Ames had been at home, sick in bed and unable to participate in the
ongoing arguments and discussions. When he heard what was taking place,
he pulled himself together and headed to the House of Representatives.
There he argued forcefully on behalf of John Jay's Treaty. His argument
swayed the chamber, and the appropriation passed.
We
will deal with that argument next week.
In case you
are missing out on real fellowship in an environment of Ekklesia, our Sunday
worship gatherings are available by conference call – usually at about 10:30AM
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not yet, anyway.
Blessings on you!
Regner A. Capener
CAPENER MINISTRIES
RIVER WORSHIP CENTER
Temple, Texas 76502
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